جستاری نظری در «سیاست آزادی» | ||
| رهیافتهای سیاسی و بین المللی | ||
| مقاله 5، دوره 16، شماره 2 - شماره پیاپی 78، تیر 1403، صفحه 104-127 اصل مقاله (508.11 K) | ||
| نوع مقاله: مقاله پژوهشی | ||
| شناسه دیجیتال (DOI): 10.48308/piaj.2024.236045.1547 | ||
| نویسنده | ||
| کیومرث اشتریان* | ||
| دانشیار گروه سیاستگذاری عمومی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران. | ||
| چکیده | ||
| در این مقاله بر نظریه «آزادی به مثابه راه» تکیه و تاکید کرده ایم. بنیان نظری مقاله مبتنی بر نظریه «یادگیری اجتماعی به مثابه برنامه ریزی» جان دیویی است اما در بر گیرنده سخن های جدیدی از حیث استدلالی و الزامات این نظریه در «سیاست آزادی» است. در این مقاله آزادی تعریف نمی شود بلکه به مثابه یک «راه» تلقی می شود راهی که انسان معنای زندگی خویش را در می یابد و با آن طی طریق می کند. آزادی، مفهومی ایستا و تعریف شدنی نیست بلکه مفهومی پویا، سیال و بسته به فرد و موقعیت او و بسته به جامعه و موقعیت اکنونی و تاریخی هر جامعه است. استدلال های مقاله پیرامون همین محور اصلی و پیامدهای آن برای سیاست آزادی است. تلقی آزادی به مثابه راه، بصورت همزمان چند مشکل فکری را حل می کند: مسئله زور و قدرت را در درون خود به تعادل می رساند؛ برتری را می پذیرد یعنی از نسبی گرایی یا مساوات گرایی افراطی می پرهیزد چون هنجار و عقل و قدرت و تعامل را بصورت توامان در مسیر و «راه» آزادی می پذیرد؛ مسئله حدود آزادی را هم حل می کند چون حدود، نسبی اند و در زمان و مکان و با توجه به بلوغ فکری انسان ها تعیین می شوند. در پیامد، آنچه که حاصل می شود تکاملِ توافقیِ بشری، یعنی توافق بر عقل نسبی و «قراری» برای سیاست آزادی است. تفاوت ما با دیگرانی که در باب آزادی نظریه پردازی کرده اند این است که ما لوازم «راه بودن» آن را می پذیریم و بنابراین برای استقرار آزادی آن را موکول به تعریف پیشینی نمی کنیم. مفاهیم و تعاریف آزادی مثبت و منفی در تعارض با «آزادی به مثابه راه» است. راه اساسا وضعیت آزادی را به موقعیت ها، به قدرت، به هنجارها، به ثروت ها و منابع بازیگرانی که دست اندرکارند تفویضی تاریخی می کند. اگر آزادی را تعریف کنیم نمی توانیم آن را به مثابه راه ببینیم. رکن دیگر این مقاله بهره گیری از روش شناسی حل «مشکلات بدخیم» در سیاست گذاری عمومی است. بنابه تعریف، آزادی یک مشکل سیاستی بدخیم است و برای حل آن ضرورتا باید به یک فرآیند مشارکتی و تعهد به آن تن سپرد. «سیاست آزادی» همان «تعهد به آزادی» است. یعنی یک نوع معماری تدریجی ـ تاریخی است. با این روش، به یک امر نسبی، همچون آزادی، و برساختن آن در یک فرآیند تاریخی تعهدی ملی ایجاد میشود. در این مقاله بر نظریه «آزادی به مثابه راه» تکیه و تاکید کرده ایم. بنیان نظری مقاله مبتنی بر نظریه «یادگیری اجتماعی به مثابه برنامه ریزی» جان دیویی است اما در بر گیرنده سخن های جدیدی از حیث استدلالی و الزامات این نظریه در «سیاست آزادی» است. در این مقاله آزادی تعریف نمی شود بلکه به مثابه یک «راه» تلقی می شود راهی که انسان معنای زندگی خویش را در می یابد و با آن طی طریق می کند. آزادی، مفهومی ایستا و تعریف شدنی نیست بلکه مفهومی پویا، سیال و بسته به فرد و موقعیت او و بسته به جامعه و موقعیت اکنونی و تاریخی هر جامعه است. استدلال های مقاله پیرامون همین محور اصلی و پیامدهای آن برای سیاست آزادی است. تلقی آزادی به مثابه راه، بصورت همزمان چند مشکل فکری را حل می کند: | ||
| کلیدواژهها | ||
| آزادی؛ یادگیری اجتماعی؛ آزادی منفی؛ آزادی مثبت؛ مشکلات بدخیم | ||
| عنوان مقاله [English] | ||
| A theoretical research in Freedom policy | ||
| نویسندگان [English] | ||
| Kioomars Ashtarian | ||
| Associate Professor of Public Policy, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran | ||
| چکیده [English] | ||
| In this article, I elaborate a theory of “freedom as a path”. Although the theoretical basis of the article is based on John Dewey's theory of social learning as planning, it put forward new arguments in terms of requirements for a policy of freedom in Iran. I argue, paradoxically, that freedom could not be (and should not be) defined. It has to be considered as a "commitment to a vague concept of freedom" for building an undefined future. Freedom is not an aim in itself, as it was in Iran since Iranian Constitutional Revolution, 115 years ago. At first, freedom is a path that a person finds the meaning of his life. Freedom is not a static and definable concept, but a dynamic and fluid concept depending on the individuality and the context. Second, this individual meaning of freedom depends on the society and the historical context. The argument of this article consists of the vagueness and path, and its consequences for the policy of freedom. Considering freedom as a path simultaneously solves several intellectual problems: it resolves the issue of balance of power by acceptance of superiority, which means it avoids extreme relativism because it accepts simultaneously norms, reason, and power. In this path, individuals merit based on their source, their talent, their capacities, etc. It also solves the problem of judgment. We cannot “judge” the degree of freedom of a society based on the norms of the other societies. It depends on the readiness of a community to commit to a “goodness of a vague notion of freedom” to live together. It is somehow an intellectual maturity of humans. As a result, what is achieved is an agreement for living together; that is a “policy of freedom”. The concepts and definitions of positive and negative freedom are in conflict with "freedom as a way". The path basically assigns the state of freedom to the situations, to the power, to the norms, to the wealth and resources of the actors involved. If we define freedom, we cannot see it as a path. T This article is an essay. It is an analytical, interpretive or critical literary composition that deals with a freedom concept from a limited and personal perspective. Meanwhile the arguments of this article are supported by existing literature. In this way, we have modeled the method of Isaiah Berlin in his famous work "Four Essays on Freedom". (Isaiah Berlin, 1969) In addition, I approach to the question of freedom as a “wicked problem” which necessitate a process oriented, interactive, and constructivist approach to solve the problem of freedom. Thus, one cannot use a predefined notion of freedom as a basis for the "policy of freedom". In this article, we use expressions such as "we Iranians", "Iranian society" and the like. Such terms lack "scientific accuracy"; We are aware of this. However, a general ruling cannot be issued for such matters, because although no general ruling will ever include "all" Iranians, it cannot be "completely" rejected and quantitatively or qualitatively confirmed. It is obvious that we do not mean to issue such rulings in absolute terms. But what is meant by these rulings is a "dominant tendency" or "general trend" among a significant number of Iranians, which can be considered as a source for issuing political action based on experience and expert agreement or on the basis of expert conscience and reasoning. It is not necessarily a cause for a political action. | ||
| کلیدواژهها [English] | ||
| freedom path, freedom policy, social learning, wicked problem, collective cooperation | ||
| مراجع | ||
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